A Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) supporter shouts slogans at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi on Thursday during the ongoing protest to demand the resignation of India’s education minister, Dharmendra Pradhan.
Sajjad Hussain/AFP via Getty Images
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Sajjad Hussain/AFP via Getty Images
Šumit Ganguly is a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University. He is a distinguished professor of political science emeritus at Indiana University, Bloomington.
In September 2025, Nepal’s government banned 26 popular social media platforms, alleging the companies had failed to comply with new regulations aimed at curbing misinformation and online hate speech. Critics, however, viewed the move as an attempt to suppress viral videos showcasing the lavish lifestyles of politicians and their “nepo kids.” Mass protests followed, and within days, Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli resigned.
Barely a year earlier, in August 2024, a similar student protest movement ousted Bangladesh’s longtime ruler, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. The protests stemmed from a High Court decision to uphold a quota system reserving 30% of government jobs for descendants of the veterans of the 1971 independence war. Like Nepal, Bangladesh’s Gen Zers also led the protests.
These uprisings highlight a common fault line: Elite privilege endures even as youth opportunities stall. In each case, a single incident acted not as the sole cause of the unrest, but as the spark that brought existing grievances into the open.
Now, similar dynamics have appeared in India, home to the world’s largest young population. Although India differs substantially from Nepal and Bangladesh, many of the same sources of youth frustration are becoming increasingly visible. For example, despite its economic boom, nearly 40% of graduates ages 15 to 25, and 20% of those aged 25 to 29, are unemployed, according to a recent report by Azim Premji University.
On Saturday, Dharmendra Pradhan, India’s embattled education minister, resigned amid mounting pressure from massive student protests over widespread exam paper leaks. Weeks earlier, Chief Justice Surya Kant sparked outrage after remarks that many interpreted as comparing unemployed youth to “cockroaches.” Although he later said his comments had been misinterpreted, it was too late. Young Indians had already turned the remark into a rallying cry for a protest movement.
A protester holds a placard after Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan resigned following nationwide protests as part of the Cockroach Janta Party’s protest movement in Mumbai, India, on Saturday.
Ashish Vaishnav/AP
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Ashish Vaishnav/AP
Why is the pattern repeating?
Why is this pattern repeating across the world’s most populous region? Three structural drivers may help explain why South Asia’s Gen Zers have reached their breaking point.
First, while a large part of South Asia has achieved impressive economic growth in recent years, the increase in wealth has not translated into equality and opportunities. In Bangladesh, the richest 10% own 58.4% of the country’s wealth, while the bottom half owns just 4.7%, according to Paris-based World Inequality Lab.
And in Nepal, where 56% of the population is under 30, about 1 in 5 Nepalis ages 15–24 remained unemployed last year. Worse still, many of these young people are college-educated and have high expectations for their careers, only to confront a prospectless future.
Second, young South Asians’ frustrations have coalesced around widespread official corruption. From preferential access to quality jobs in Bangladesh to exam paper leaks in India, young South Asians increasingly believe meritocracy no longer works. Last week, one 23-year-old Indian protester told ReadNOW: “The [exam] papers are being leaked, the rich are paying for their children to pass, and [we] poor people are being left behind … Where are we supposed to go?”
Students shout slogans during a protest demanding the trial of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in Dhaka, Bangladesh, on Aug. 13, 2024.
Rajib Dhar/AP
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Students shout slogans during a protest demanding the trial of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in Dhaka, Bangladesh, on Aug. 13, 2024.
Rajib Dhar/AP
Finally, widespread internet access has not only made the population more informed about their democratic rights, it has also raised aspirations and given protesting youth a powerful tool to overcome the collective action problems that often plague social movements. Attempts to restrict online discussion can backfire. In Nepal last year, authorities’ efforts to suppress the use of social media only intensified public anger and drove mass mobilization.
The dark side of the demographic dividend
For now, student leaders in New Delhi have temporarily paused demonstrations in “good faith” following Pradhan’s resignation over the weekend.
But their underlying resentments will not easily dissipate. Real stability relies on the genuine efforts by the ruling class to address the systemic lack of opportunities facing the young population.
Across South Asia, leaders have long boasted about their demographic dividend. They are now discovering its darker side as well: a demographic dividend can easily become a demographic reckoning.